1. Rizzo, I ponti di Venezia, 8. They began as the locations set aside for pasture, and then remained open.
2. Dennis Romano, "S. Giacomo dall'Orio: Parish Life in Fourteenth-century Venice." Ph.D. dissertation. (Michigan State University, 1981), 47.
3. Davis, The War of the Fists, 17. The translation of entro as "inside" is Davis'; I believe it to be more accurate here than "between," as it expresses the sense of the bridges (or at least the canals that they span) as surrounding the parish, forming a major portion of its boundaries.
4. William Dean Howells, Venetian Life (Boston: 1878), quoted in Michael Webb, The City Square: A Historical Evolution (New York: 1990), 62.
6. Dennis Romano, "Gender and the Urban Geography of Renaissance Venice," Journal of Social History 23/2 (1989), 343-44. Male elite notions of a woman's proper space centered around her neighborhood.
7. Romano's dissertation examined the records for the parish and provided a description of its historical borders, as well as a history of parish development.
10. Romano, "Gender and the Urban Geography of Renaissance Venice," 345. Not only did they break the spatial conventions for women, but prostitutes also went against the standard lack of geographical associations by occupation. However, the locational stereotyping of prostitutes perhaps may have been an unconscious attempt to give prostitutes a parish "neighborhood" equivalent to those of respectable women, under the guise of regulation and control of their profession. Although there was a public brothel--the Castelleto--in the Rialto, with associated houses around the island, as well as the Carampagne in neighboring San Cassian, there was also another center of prostitution in San Samuele, down the Grand Canal and on the opposite side. From time to time, there were efforts on the part of the city to regulate the situation, such as by the encouragement of all prostitutes to associate themselves with the Castelleto on pain of fines, but prostitution outside of the Rialto area did exist and resisted regulation (E. Pavan, "Police des moeurs, société et politique à Venise à la fin du Moyen Age," Revue historique 536 [1980], 244-47).
11. Romano, "S. Giacomo dall'Orio," 71-123, does find, for the parish of S. Giacomo dall'Orio, in Santa Croce, that religious life tended to be somewhat more localized than other forms, but not to the level of the parish. Confraternity memberships frequently were in a multi-parish locus, and the nearby Frari and San Giovanni Evangelista were popular burial sites; but parish interest, as seen by burial or bequest, sometimes spread as far away as San Zanipolo in Cannaregio.
12. The city was divided geographically into sestieri, or sixths. For a map of these divisions, see Chapter II, section A, figure 2.
13. This relationship to "mental maps" is not entirely metaphorical, for medieval travel maps, which tended to show a number of sites as points in a schematized pilgrimage, frequently represented these journeys as labeled circles or other figures, connected by lines. This representation matches well with the perception of the city as a number of destinations (campi or other loci) connected by narrow paths. This representation obviously does not take into account locations on the connecting paths themselves, but even in such cases there is a sense of nodal destination: "After Campo San Felice, head for the Campo Santi Apostoli, but you'll find the shop about two houses before you reach the Campo." Such goal-oriented representations and descriptions, reflected in professional mnemonic schemes, are perhaps best shown in story-telling modes, in which a number of critical events, or nodes, are connected by material that is considerably less significant and which is therefore allowed to change from rendition to rendition (Vivian Labrie, "The Itinerary as a Possible Memorized Form of the Folktale," Arv 37 [1981], 89-102). Variance is expected in the narrative genre, and is also frequent in terms of inter-city pilgrimage. It also occurs in terms of city travel; while there is almost always only one direct (or most direct) path between two campi, the vagaries of pedestrian movement make it possible to stray off the set or obvious path.
15. Many visitors to Venice, throughout history, have remarked on the extraordinary ability of the Piazza to "accidentally" become one's destination. If all roads once led to Rome, then all streets on the eastern side of the Grand Canal seem to lead to the Piazza San Marco. Unless the traveler has a specific destination and route in mind, it is somehow all too easy to take those streets that ultimately wend their way into the Piazza. Other paths seem somehow closed, or less desirable. My husband described it as a sensation of "going downhill," or "taking the path of least resistance."
16. Coryat, Coryat's Crudities, 328-29, describes this clock tower in the form of a triumphal arch as a "gate."
17. It was in the twelfth century that the church of San Geminiano, first built in 533, in the center of what is now the Piazza, was replaced by a simple church at the end of the enlarged Piazza (Leopoldo Cicognara, Le fabbriche più cospicue di Venezia, miurate, illustrate, ed intagliate dai membri della Veneta Reale Accademia di belle arti [Venice: 1815], I, 189).
